Characteristics Zeta–South Raška dialect

1 characteristics

1.1 -a ending masculine active past participle
1.2 presence of /æ/
1.3 yat reflexes

1.3.1 long yat reflex
1.3.2 short yat reflex


1.4 lack of phoneme /h/ ~ /x/
1.5 palatalization of /l/ /lʲ/

characteristics
-a ending masculine active past participle

in standard varieties of serbo-croatian, verbs carry -ao ending active past participle in masculine gender. however, depending on speaker, ending either contracted -a (-ā in official montenegrin orthography) or -ä (phoneme explained below) in zeta–south raška dialect. thus, words mogao , rekao pronounced mogā / mogä , rekā / rekä. type of contraction not usual norm Štokavian speakers, elsewhere found in croatian seaside vernaculars. moreover, characteristic not present in areas of zeta–south raška dialect. in peripheral areas, active past participle not contracted either -ā or -ä , pronounced fully. in other areas, such paštrovići in budva , zupci in bar, speakers contract masculine active past participle -ao -o, such in mogo , reko (tonal mȍgō, rȅkō). type of contraction of active past participle considered norm among Štokavian speakers. in parts of dialectal region, namely broćanac , pješivci, contraction masculine active past participle -ao -o takes on further step, speakers add v in coda position, giving dov davao , prodov prodavao (tonal dȏv, prȍdōv).

presence of /æ/

many vernaculars in southern , southeastern montenegro have distinct phoneme, characterized sound between /a/ , /e/, unusual Štokavian speakers. phoneme, transcribed here ä, can pronounced either /ɛ/ or /æ/, depending on region. feature characteristically reflex of proto-slavic ь , ъ (see examples below), can form analogy speaker. phoneme in syllable-final position becomes nasalized speakers found along border albania, notably rekän , zatekän (standard rekao , zatekao, respectively).

yat reflexes

the zeta–south raška dialect follows ijekavian reflex of yat, ě (ѣ) in proto-slavic became either ije, je or e, depending on length , position.

long yat reflex

words long yat reflex became pronounced disyllabic -ije- in middle positions. examples include bijelo (*bělo), snijeg (*sněgъ), vrijeme (*vrěmę).

this transformation largely ignored ethnic bosniaks living in podgorica , plav-gusinje, followed ikavian reflex of yat. ikavian reflex of yat ě (ѣ) in proto-slavic become -i- in positions. notably, instead of normal ijekavian reflexes of yat, mlijeko , sijeno, speakers in these regions instead mliko , sino.

aside disyllabic -ije-, speakers in mrkojevići region near bar have multiple long yat reflexes. 1 reflex -je-, long yat reflex typically found among bosnian , croatian ijekavian speakers. -e-, typically found among ekavian speakers in serbia , elsewhere.

secondary ijekavisms, known hyperijekavisms, widespread in dialectal region. examples include botijega (botega), kosijer (kosir), pancijer (pancer), drijevo , pokrijeva (pokriva).

short yat reflex

words short yat reflex become transformed either -je-, -e- or -i-, depending on length , position.

the transformation of short yat reflex in word -je- creates iotified vowel. forces consonant comes contact iotified vowel become either partially or palatalized. in zeta–south raška dialect, dental consonants such d, s, t , z become palatalized đ, ś, ć , ź, respectively, before iotified vowel. in standard varieties of serbo-croatian (except montenegrin), these dentals merely partially palatalized, i.e. dj, sj, tj , zj respectively.

this iotation present in words not have short yat reflex, namely koźetina (kozjetina), iźelica (izjelica) , kiśelo (kisjelo - hyperijekavism).

iotation of -je- continues in labial consonants such b, f, m, p , v undergo complete palatalization before iotified vowel. due iotation of labial consonants, short yat reflex may become transformed either -je- or -lje- common in many vernaculars found in dialectal region. such examples include: mjesec / mljesec (tonal mjȅsēc / mljȅsēc), pjesma / pljesma (tonal pjȅsma / pljȅsma) , vjera / vljera (tonal vjȅra / vljȅra).

short yat transforms -e- before r, proto-slavic prefixes *pre- , *prě- merged pre-, characteristic common in ekavian not in ijekavian. examples include: prevoz , prelaz (standard ijekavian forms: prijevoz , prijelaz). other examples follow trend gorelo, ređe, rešenje, starešina, among others, common hear ijekavian counterparts (gorjelo, rjeđe, rješenje, starješina) throughout dialectal region. ekavian more present in vernaculars closer serbian border, namely rožaje , novi pazar-sjenica, under influence of literary serbian, strictly ekavian in serbia. moreover, ekavian widespread in vernaculars in crmnica , mrkojevići near bar.

short yat transforms -i- before consonants j , lj, examples: biljeg, grijat , vijavica. short yat transforms -i- before vowel o, seen in verbs masculine active past participle in proto-slavic ends in *-ěl (later forming proto-western south slavic *-ěo). examples transformation include htio, vidio , želio, standard in ijekavian reflexes. however, not uncommon hear htjeo / sćeo, viđeo (> vidjeo) , željeo respectively. example adjective cio, unusual contraction of cijel. ekavian counterpart ceo (from *cělъ) -l in coda position transformed -o, , in ikavian cio, contraction of *cil. here, cio not ikavian borrowing, rather both ijekavian , ikavian reflexes form cio.

lack of phoneme /h/ ~ /x/

certain areas of zeta–south raška dialectal region preserved phoneme /h/ while others either dropped or replaced other consonants. areas /h/ preserved old montenegro (specifically riječka nahija, lješanska nahija , parts of katunska nahija (bjelice, Ćeklići, njeguši)) , paštrovići, ethnic bosniaks near bihor, novi pazar , sjenica.

in areas /h/ dropped, such bar, bjelopavlići, kuči, mrkojevići, piperi , zupci, speakers replace /h/ either /k/, /g/ (trbuge > trbuhe), /j/ (kijat(i) > kihat(i), mijajlo > mihailo) or /v/ (muva > muha). ironically, of these forms became part of standard montenegrin , serbian, notably kijati , muva, while original forms kihati , muha can found in standard bosnian , croatian.

palatalization of /l/ /lʲ/

the alveolar lateral approximant, or /l/, softened (palatalized) /lʲ/ in vernaculars found in dialectal region. characteristic present in bjelopavlići (partially), bratonožići, crmnica, kuči, mrkojevići, novi pazar, paštrovići plav-gusinje , rijeka crnojevića. examples include: aprīl /apri:lʲ/, dal ȅko /d̪alʲêko̞/ , kol a᷈č /ko̞lʲât͡ʃ/. characteristic may due influence of northern albanian dialects present along border montenegro.